Democratic Form Of Government Research Articles

Assessing the Effects of Amendment Rules in Federal Systems: Australia and Switzerland Compared

Abstract The effects of formal constitutional amendment rules are still contested, yielding mixed and inconsistent findings. The key issue lies in overlooking the broader institutional context in which amending clauses are situated. This article presents a novel theoretical argument centered on the “institutional embeddedness.” Empirically, we leverage a unique, most different systems design that compares Australia and Switzerland to assess the direct and indirect effects of formal amendment clauses. Both federations implement an identical “direct-democratic model of constitutional change,” despite differences in size, the underlying societal structure, the federalism model, and form of democratic governance. Our empirical results reveal similar direct effects on minority protection, but differing indirect effects on federal dynamics differ significantly. The formal amendment rule sustains Switzerland’s decentralized federal order, while contributing to pronounced centralizing trends in Australian federalism. These findings have vital implications for constitutional design, highlighting that the specific institutional context is decisive, not just the formal amendment rule.

Mediation as Means of Communication for Public Administration in Settling Administrative Disputes

Nowadays solutions are sought for public adminis­tration to involve citisens in decision-making as one of the ways of promoting the development of civil society and thus to fos­ter democratic forms of government. Public administration is looking for efficient methods of resolving administrative dis­putes. Administrative mediation serving the purpose of ensur­ing proper communication between the parties to administra­tive proceedings is one of such methods. Mediation in public administration hinges upon the definition of communication rules. The aim of this paper is to define communication from the perspective of legal science and discuss its application in the administrative mediation proceedings. In this article, we discuss the essence, the subject matter and the object of medi­ation as well as the legal regulations governing the mediation procedure and consider the possibility of applying mediation to the administrative procedure, as exemplified by the related case law. The study has been conducted by means of the legal research methods, in particular the legal-dogmatic approach and the legal functionalism approach.

Executive-Legislative Relations in Nigeria's Fourth Republic: Issues, Challenges and Prospects

This study examines the executive-legislative relations in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic. The study's objective was to ascertain the extent to which Nigeria's democratic form of government was influenced by disagreements between the administration and the legislature. The study employed an ex-post facto design and also utilized qualitative methods and important information from literature research. Documentation was used to gather the majority of the data from secondary sources, and content analysis was used to give the information a complete and comprehensible explanation. Because of its ability to describe the pattern of relations between the legislative and executive branches in Nigeria's democratic system, Baron Montesquieu's theory of separation of powers, which was created in 1948, was chosen as the framework for examination. The study discovered that the relationships between the legislative and executive branches were unhealthy, antagonistic, conflictual, and dysfunctional during the study period, particularly from 2015 to 2022. Additionally, it is demonstrated that a variety of elements, including constitutional provisions, the capacity to pass laws, the administration of public funds, the perception of executive dominance, haughtiness, and a disregard for the law, among others, are to blame for the ongoing conflicts between the Legislative and Executive arms that have a detrimental effect on the development of democracy in Nigeria. Based on these findings, the study recommends that the connection between the executive and legislative arms of government be reinforced in order to promote a democracy that functions in Nigeria. Additionally, it is recommended that those in public office respect the law.

The role of Australian civil society organisations in food system governance: Opportunities for collaboration in dietetics practice.

Civil society organisations (CSOs) are increasingly participating in food system governance in ways that challenge the dominant industrialised profit-driven system. An online survey of Australian CSOs that self-identified as being involved in food system governance was conducted to identify their objectives and activities and the enablers of, and barriers to, their participation in food system governance. Respondents were nongovernment organisations/registered charities, social enterprises, businesses and collaborative research initiatives involved in food system governance in Australia (n = 43). Organisations undertook activities across all dimensions of the food system (food growing/production, distribution, sale, marketing, access and consumption) and had diverse goals related to health, sustainability and social and economic development. They engaged in food system governance via activities such as advocacy and lobbying for policy and legislative change and guiding policy development. Key enablers of this engagement included funding, internal capacity, external supports and collaborations, and inclusive consultation processes and, when not present, were considered barriers. CSOs play an important role in food system governance in Australia, including by influencing policy outcomes, contributing to more inclusive and democratic forms of governance and leading community-based food system policies. For CSOs to play a more central role, provision of longer-term funding; creation of dedicated food and nutrition policies at local, state and federal government levels; and governance processes that are inclusive, accessible and minimise power differentials are required. This study's findings can be used to identify many opportunities for dietitians to engage with CSOs in education, research and advocacy roles for food system transformation.

De ware beginselen van het staatskrediet

The true principles of state credit. Louis Drucker, a liftetime of opposition Louis Drucker (1805-1884) was an extremely wealthy investor, financial specialist and publicist. He contributed to the debates about the financial policy of the Netherlands at a time when the liberal opposition was pushing for a more democratic form of government. His liberal approach was primarily concerned with property rights and the legal surety of the state lender. Struggling for this he helped the radical liberal opposition with advice and came into contact with the values and norms of the circles that defended the world of their old regent elite. This written portrait of a relative loner on the Dutch financial-political scene inspires further research into the relationship between political culture and economic governance in the period 1840-1880, also from an international perspective.

Inadequate Parliamentary Control Over Public Revenue


 
 
 
 The purpose of this paper is to study the level of parliamentary control over public finance in India for ensuring accountability and transparency expected in a democratic form of governance. As per the Constitution of India, neither any money shall be collected nor the collected money be spent without the approval of the Parliament or the State Legislature, as the case may be. The accountability and transparency expected in spending should equally apply to revenue collection also, as they are the two sides of public finance. While the parliamentary control over public spending is complete with the system of parliamentary approval for spending and monitoring of the spending against its approval, through Appropriation Accounts, such control is not complete in respect of public revenue, as there is no parliamentary procedure to monitor the realisation of all revenues authorised by it. Consequently, crores of rupees of public revenue authorised by Parliament/Legislature could remain uncollected without its knowledge. Introduction of a Receipts Accounts showing the details of unrealised revenues with reasons and its presentation to Parliament/Legislature would fill the gap in parliamentary control and transparency in realisation of public revenue.
 
 
 

Неоориентализм как практика авторитарного управления культурой

Authoritarianism and democracy as forms of power are based not only on political and economic practices, but also on various forms of cultural management. Orientalism has been one of them for a long time. However, as authoritarian and democratic forms of government evolved, a request arose for the creation of a new form of cultural governance, namely, neo-capitalism. The purpose of the study to analyze the features of the practice of culture management as an element of political power. Scientific novelty: an attempt is made to conceptualize the new concept of neo-orientalism, to reveal its main features and differences from classical orientalism.

CORRUPTION, DEMOCRACY AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN NIGERIA

Corruption has a way of influencing social economic and political factors of any nation directly and (or) indirectly through the country’s institutional framework. The basis of both ‘grease the wheels’ and ‘sand the wheel’ hypotheses of corruption lie in the interaction between corruption and institutional features, hence the need for democracy. This study empirically investigated the impact of corruption on economic development by incorporating the institutional feature (democracy) in Nigeria. The study used primary source of data. The population of the study was made up of staff of all 16 offices (including the Headquarters) of Independent Corrupt Practices and other related offence commission (ICPC) in Nigeria which amount to 752 members of staff whereas 261 members was chosen as sample. The findings of the research showed that public procurement corruption, nepotism, and democracy had a negative and significant relationship with economic development while bribery had a positive and significant relationship on economic development. Generally, corruption and democracy has brought about a negative effect on economic development in Nigeria. The study recommended that Nigerian leadership should be keen in holistically addressing corruption in the Nigeria public sector. Also, democracy in Nigeria is too costly, the is a need for referendum and a revisit to our constitution. lastly, there should be an implementation of a serious and effective regulatory policy, stringent codes of conduct, political and bureaucratic transparency, an effective anti-corruption measure which is not targeted against oppositions, general restructuring of Nigeria political and democratic form of governance.

Is cohesive capitalism under threat?

Abstract This paper argues that a distinctive form of capitalism, cohesive capitalism, emerged in the post-war period supporting the wellbeing of its citizens through building state capacities alongside open and democratic forms of government. The paper identifies a range of threats that this model now faces and speculates on what it would take, particularly in terms of international cooperation, to respond to them.

Impact of Remittances on Economic Growth in Nepal

Remittances have become a significant source of foreign exchange as well as funds for small business start-ups and expansion and consumption spending of recipient households in developing countries. Accordingly, it is expected that remittances would contribute to economic development. Notwithstanding, there is yet no consensus on the impact of remittances on economic growth. This paper focuses on the impact of remittances on economic growth in Nepal, a small Asian country where remittances were 31% of GDP in 2016. Using data from the World Bank and other sources, the study found that remittances does not significantly impact economic growth. The study also found that democratic form of governance as measured by a dummy variable had a significant and positive impact on economic growth alongside capital formation and exports. Based on additional tests using cointegration and regression analysis, the paper found that there is a possibility that remittances negatively impact economic growth in the long run.

Struggling for justice in post-authoritarian states: human rights protest in Indonesia

ABSTRACT Protests can play a crucial role in contributing to social change. In many countries that have transitioned from authoritarian to more democratic forms of governance, protests have demanded accountability for human rights crimes. This article focuses on Indonesia’s longest-running human rights protest, Kamisan. This protest is contrasted with one of the most recognisable human rights protests internationally – the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo in Argentina – on which Kamisan was based. The article asks why these similar protest movements have had vastly different impacts – whereas the protest of the Mothers has generated human rights reform, this remains elusive in Indonesia. The article uses an interdisciplinary approach, drawing on theories of human rights change and social movements, and combines this with a focus on the specific historical, social and political contexts in which both protests have developed. Drawing on the Argentinean experience, the article argues that human rights protests are influenced by possibilities for activism in repressive regimes, the nature of democratic transition and political culture. These factors illustrate that ultimately the success of human rights protest is contingent on the balance of social and political forces in a given context.

GANDHIAN NON-VIOLENT DEMOCRACY- AN ALTERNATIVE MODEL

The problem of violence is one of the many challenges that democracy faces today, but paradoxically enough, democratic form of government was established with the promise of a peaceful society. In reality it has largely failed to achieve its intended goal. Why? because it could not grow into what it was expected to be: a government of the people, by the people, for the people to use Abraham lincon’ definition. And it is this failure of democracy to be the authentic voice of all people that seems to be responsible for the eruption of violence that goes against the very sprite of democracy. In all existing democracies, the opinion of an individual or of a section of the people often lie neglected, even if it is sound, as the democracies are guided by the views either of popular majority or of the dominating elitist minority. Moreover, while in capitalist or liberal democracy, political liberty rather than economic equality is emphasized, in socialist or Marxist democracy political liberty is sacrificed at the altar of economic equality. All these factors tend to generate discontent among those who stand marginalized in democracy, a discontent that may create a climate of tension and strife, sow the seeds of violence in society, but how to create a society that is free from these ills? The democracy of the world may turn to Gandhi for an answer, to transform democracy into a non violence pacific social rather than political order Gandhi offers two important suggestions. First, democracy must begin to work the lowest level, that is from the level of ‘Gram- Panchayet’, this will stave off people ‘s discontent by giving them a sense of participation in the democratic system. Second, he prescribes some moral principles to be cultivated, like truthfulness, ahimsa, toleration, self – sacrifice and self – suffering. Those   measures, if taken will liberate Indian democracy form limitation of its western counterpart and halp the evolution of a democracy that is true to Indian genius.

Democracy, Complexity, and Science: Exploring Structural Sources of National Scientific Performance

AbstractScholars have long hypothesized that democratic forms of government are more compatible with scientific advancement. However, empirical analysis testing the democracy–science compatibility hypothesis remains underdeveloped. This article explores the effect of democratic governance on scientific performance using panel data on 124 countries between 2007–2017. We find evidence supporting the democracy–science hypothesis. Further, using both internal and external measures of complexity, we estimate the effects of complexity as a moderating factor between the democracy–science connection. The results show differential main effects of economic complexity, globalization, and international collaboration on scientific performance, as well as significant interaction effects that moderate the effect of democracy on scientific performance. The findings show the significance of democratic governance and complex systems in national scientific performance.

The Misapplication of Democracy and the Plight of the Individual in the Drama of Henrik Ibsen

Let me begin by stating the obvious. It is now common knowledge in Henrik Ibsen’s scholarship that the Norwegian playwright had a very uneasy relationship with politicians. The dramatist took delight in satirizing the pomposity and hypocritical practices of politicians and other public officials through the use of a flowery rhetorical style characteristic of platform politicians. A close reading of critical writings on Ibsen’s major plays that have a political agenda reveals that most of the reputed commentators conclude that the author directs his criticism against the democratic form of government. Some of the critics are even of the opinion that Ibsen in his works is in favour of aristocracy as an alternative to democracy. What is however intriguing about the claims of these critics is that they do not actually take up time to define what democracy as a form of government is all about before illustrating how the dramatist writes against it in his plays. The central concern of this paper therefore, is to demonstrate from a new historicist standpoint that Ibsen in his drama does not completely condemns democracy as a form of government except when it comes to the application of some democratic principles which are hostile to the welfare of the individual.

Why We Should Stop Fethishing Democracy

Democracy is in trouble, and it is democracy’s own fault—that is Robert Talisse’s intriguing contention is his recent book, Overdoing Democracy: Why We Must Put Politics in its Place (2019). What gets democracy into trouble, according to Talisse, is the idea that a democratic form of government is intrinsically valuable, which in turn entails a deliberative conception of democracy that, in combination with the social-psychological fact of social sorting, leads to rampant polarization. According to Talisse, we therefore need to put democracy in its place by resisting the expansive view of the scope of democracy and making room for non-political spaces of interaction, in which we can form civic friendships. However, in what follows, I argue that what Talisse has actually provided is an excellent reason for rejecting rather than merely mitigating the detrimental effects of the idea that democracy is intrinsically valuable. Specifically, we ought to stop fetishizing democracy and instead embrace an instrumentalist view of democracy as a social practice that is instituted and maintained for purposes external to itself. Once we do this, democracy no longer needs saving from itself.

Domestic Constraints in the Genesis of Western Style of Democracy in China

The last decade of the twentieth century is full of some form of democratic transition all around the world. Samuel P. Huntington described this phenomenon as the “Third Wave of Democratization” in his book The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century. There is this Modernisation Theory which explains the phenomenon of transition of the state into a democratic form of government by analyzing the economic and social progress of the states. China undoubtedly has progressed a lot economically in the last three decades and with the increasing affluence, society is also changing simultaneously. As modernization theory explains that economic progress is followed by political reforms. But still, China has managed to carry its economic growth trajectory up and improved the lives of hundreds of millions of people without making many concessions in the political field. It is still governed by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) which is more or less authoritarian. China is among one of the few states which are still undemocratic in nature in western scholar perspectives. There is a lot of speculation about China’s future and its political system. But democracy does not have just one form in which every political system has to be fit. Chinese government and Academicians claim that China has its form of democracy. The Chinese government claims that they are regularly carrying political reform but these political reforms are far away from the western style of democracy. Some domestic constraints constrained the growth of the western style of democracy in China.

Democracy's Destiny

From its beginning, America has had a paradoxical democracy, where all men are created equal while simultaneously denying the right to vote to anyone who was not White, male, or owned property. The pandemic exposed the fault lines of our democratic form of government. Those imposing barriers to the ballot are facing off against the advocates of access. It is not a new battle. In America, we seek ways to limit who can participate instead of expanding opportunities. We have dedicated our resources to dancing around the edges of democracy-by advocating for vote by mail or automatic voter registration, for example-while allowing states to develop blockades to the ballot that are confusing and quite effective. Without a doubt, America is at a crossroads. The shenanigans that this country has used to prevent access to the ballot box, such as the poll tax, grandfather clause, restrictive voter ID laws, voter purges, and felon disenfranchisement, are antidemocratic and harmful to our system. COVID-19 exposed the fault lines. We must repair them. A free, fair, inclusive, nondiscriminatory right to vote is essential to a healthy democracy. We are in the position to craft a true democratic system of government. Will this country live up to its democratic destiny or continue to deny our journey to a more perfect union?

Эволюция типов демократии и угроза популизма для транзитивных государств: медиа аспект

Drawing from the examples of newly formed and former democracies, the article examines the directions which the transformation of this political concept has taken in context of the expansion of the public sphere and changes in how the democratic process is implemented. Attention is drawn to how the transition of the forefront of political life from traditional centers of its “distribution”- governments, parliaments, and municipal authorities, to the “fatherland” of the public sphere and media of varying quality has become one of the reasons for the accelerated proliferation of politics of the populist variety. The rise of media in Ukraine, where it falls under complete ownership of centers of oligarchy, provides grounds for mentioning a special type of “oligarchic democracy”, which serendipitously exploits the opportunities offered by populism. At the same time, the examples of democratic crises in other nations have become widespread enough, so that they encourage casting doubt on crucial democratic processes, including elections: electoral democracy has formally taken place, although it hasn’t fulfilled its essential function of including the citizenry in making key social decisions. Researchers assert that media is not the only source that breathes life into populist politics as a means to seize power. This carries the threat of destroying the very institutions through which the democratic form of government is realized. Transitional democracies are also subjected to the erosion of populism through problems with asserting the supremacy of law and difficulties with establishing liberal market economics, which should have been synchronized with their political transformation. Authors refer to the fact, that populism is a problem shared by governments with diverse histories of democratic life. Behind democracy always lurks the threat of false self-rule, which can lead to the rise of new authoritarian regimes under the guise of populist conservative declarations and national protectionism. Russia could become an example of this, after its wholly democratic process of voting on amendments to its national constitution, which is expected during 2020. Controversy in equal or greater measure has also surrounded the future of Great Britain after Brexit.

Partnership as Student Power: Democracy and Governance in a Neoliberal University

In the wake of Flinders University’s radical organisational restructure, we reflect on what guided the decisions and process, namely a neoliberal understanding and framing of higher education and corporal, top-down managerial systems. We explore this current climate of the neoliberal university and argue that student power is once again needed to shift the conception of university ‘success’ back into a democratic form of governance. However, rather than student power constituting of a traditional 1970s form of picketing protests, we argue that a model of working within current structures is prudent. Partnership with students initiatives provide unexpected hope for student participation in rebuilding the conception of the democratic university as a public good, but also highlight the relevance of student ‘activism’ in 2019. 

Privatización de funciones inherentemente estatales

Interbranch delegation of powers has been an issue of deep and recurrent analysis in our field; particularly, the exercise of legislative powers by the Executive branch. Conversely, the delega-tion of inherently governmental functions to private parties has received less attention. This essay tries to determine what should be understood by such, and consequently, if the transfer of certain quintessential state matters to private hands is tolerated by our legal system –and if so, under what circumstances– in light of the non-delegation doctrine, due process of law and the democratic form of government.